The Harlem Hellfighters, Page 3

  Officer, 8th Illinois Infantry

  In 1908 Congress passed laws stating that if National Guard units were called to federal service, they would enter as complete units instead of simply supplying men to be assigned according to the needs of the government.

  The federal government also dictated the size and composition of the state National Guards and the levels of fitness and training required for national recognition. The formation of the state National Guard units could be initiated by the governor of a state or by an individual. By 1910 the black press in New York often carried articles suggesting that a black (or “colored”) National Guard unit be formed in New York that would be the equal of the 8th Illinois in Chicago. The 8th Illinois, with its black officers, was an effective fighting unit and also a demonstration of the capabilities of black men in leadership positions.

  Charles W. Fillmore tried to raise a black regiment

  Charles W. Fillmore, a handsome, politically astute man, had been a first lieutenant in the 9th U.S. Volunteer Infantry, which served with distinction in the Spanish-American War. After the war he got involved in Ohio politics. He became a confidant of George A. Myers, a black politician who also ran a nationally famous barbershop. Myers had a reputation as a power broker and aided Republicans throughout the state in obtaining black votes. Seeing how Myers maneuvered his way through the seats of power in Ohio, Fillmore understood that the path to the creation of a black regiment in New York would depend largely on what political power he could achieve. If he could assemble a regiment and somehow bring it up to the needed manpower, the legislature would have to authorize its official state recognition. Then, if the legislature provided funding, he would need the governor’s backing to have the appropriate legislation enacted. Supported by the black press, he began a campaign for an all-black regiment. He planned to personally select its officers and lead the regiment as colonel.

  Fillmore began recruiting in New York City and upstate New York, making direct appeals at public meetings, advertising in the newspapers, and posting bulletins throughout the state. He also accepted applications from nearby states, such as New Jersey and Pennsylvania. As the number of enrollees grew, Fillmore began to put them through their paces, teaching fundamental marching skills in parks and parade fields around New York.

  African Americans were gaining power in New York City simply by dint of their numbers. New York politicians began supporting, at least in public, the idea of a black regiment. The state legislature passed two bills authorizing the governor to establish such a unit. The first was not signed by the governor, and nothing came of the effort. The second was signed by Governor William Sulzer in June 1913. Fillmore was, at first, elated. But Sulzer left office a few months after the bill was signed, without establishing the regiment. Fillmore, nearing fifty years of age, saw his dream fading.

  6

  THE FIGHTING 15TH

  In 1916 the New York National Guard was activated to fight along the Mexican border against Pancho Villa, a hero of the Mexican Revolution. Villa had fought bravely and well against a brutal Mexican dictator but later fell out with his fellow revolutionary Venustiano Carranza. When the United States officially recognized Carranza as president of Mexico, Villa began a series of raids along the Mexican border. The United States activated the New York National Guard, and soon the troops were on their way south. So many New York troops were being used in Mexico or being called up for the war in Europe that a need for a new regiment became apparent.

  Governor Charles S. Whitman, who had become governor of New York in 1914, asked William Hayward, a personal friend, to recruit and form the regiment that would be called the 15th New York National Guard, or the 15th Infantry Regiment, ignoring Fillmore’s earlier efforts. Hayward, who was white, was then serving as the public service commissioner. It was understood that if the regiment was successfully formed, Hayward would become its colonel instead of Fillmore. Fillmore was offered and accepted a position as a captain.

  The black press and public knew that this would probably mean that most of the officers in the unit would be white. There was sufficient precedent for this belief. In the regular army units superior officers, even those commanding predominantly black units, were all white. There were many complaints within the African American community, but there were many supporters of the proposed regiment as well.

  Black leaders understood the conflict in Europe and fully recognized America’s growing involvement. They knew that if America did enter the war, the most advantageous position for African Americans would be to join the national army as complete units of the National Guard. National Guard units had their own officers, as well as their own opportunities for advancement within their units. Black Americans were aware of what the black National Guard unit in Illinois, the 8th Illinois, had accomplished.

  The actual formation of the 15th did not begin until mid-June 1916. By then the war in Europe had already claimed thousands of lives, and the possibility of the United States entering the conflict became a probability. Colonel Hayward began putting together a core group of men, black and white, to help in the recruitment process. He would call on businessmen, entertainers, teachers, architects, and New York’s upper class to create the outstanding regiment he hoped for.

  Harlem had its own canteen for black soldiers

  The original armory building was the basement of the Lafayette Theater, a Harlem landmark that had seen productions of Shakespeare as well as performances by blues and jazz singers. The Lafayette reflected Harlem’s growing importance as a vibrant black community. The area from 125th Street northward to 145th on the west side of Manahattan was the heart of Harlem. Black families moved into the area from other New York City neighborhoods but also, in increasing numbers, from the Southern states.

  The first guardsmen of the 15th were from all around New York state, with the majority coming from Manhattan and Brooklyn. While the officers of the regiment could officially be either white or black, the rank and file would all be black. Hayward decided to recruit from the top down and worked hard to attract the best officers he could find. He knew of Fillmore’s disappointment at not heading the 15th but still felt that he wanted the top positions to be filled by whites. Hayward used Fillmore to convince black professionals to join the 15th and to carry the message to young men from the black areas of the state that a colored regiment would be a source of pride for all of them.

  Hayward’s first task was to fulfill the federal regulations for a National Guard unit, so that the state could apply for supplies and funding from the national government. He hounded shooting clubs and other National Guard units for surplus weapons and uniforms and sought donations from New York’s elite society. A major coup was attracting Hamilton Fish Jr. to the organization. Ham Fish, as he was known, was a wealthy and influential socialite. One of his ancestors had been governor of New York. Fish was also on good terms with one of the most successful black men in America, James Reese Europe.

  Europe was a well-known composer and musician. His orchestra had provided the music for the internationally popular white dance team of Irene and Vernon Castle. When Europe was approached by Hayward to join the 15th, he was hesitant. He had been interested earlier, when he thought the 15th would be commanded solely by black officers, which would have been a major boost for the officers involved and for African Americans in general. But in 1916, already a star in the musical world, he was more interested in continuing his career on Broadway. What’s more, he had already transcended the color line, orchestrating and composing for entertainers of all races.

  Candidates for officer training

  Hayward changed his approach to Europe. Since both black and white leaders thought that a colored National Guard unit was a worthwhile project, Europe would be doing a service to his race by joining it and adding his name to the luster of the adventure. Hayward also said that he would try to get Europe the kind of band that would make the New York community proud.

  Europe believed in the f
raternity of black men. He had organized groups of black musicians and belonged to a number of black social organizations. After giving the matter a lot of thought, Europe decided that he would join on condition that he could put together an orchestra that would be considerably larger than the traditional military band. He also wanted to select his own musicians. This was a difficult task under military regulations, but Hayward felt that James Reese Europe might well be the most important person he would recruit. Hayward approached New York’s upper-class patrons of the theater arts and was soon able to raise the money for Europe’s expanded orchestra.

  What Europe wanted to do was to create a national Negro orchestra that would rival any in the world. He saw the formation of a band for the 15th as the beginning of such an organization. He agreed to join the 15th and to convince his friend and fellow musician Noble Sissle to join as well.

  With Europe’s name attached to the regiment, other notable blacks, as well as many ordinary citizens, joined. By April 8, 1917, the regiment had reached its peacetime size of 1,378 men. This fulfilled the federal standard for size, and the 15th was given its own flag, or “colors.” The unit, now with federal recognition and additional funding, was then given authorization to recruit more men, bringing it up to nearly two thousand volunteers, the strength of a wartime unit.

  A wide range of men had joined the 15th New York National Guard. The joining of prominent men was reported by the black press, and the 15th soon became a source of pride within the African American community. For already successful men such as Europe and Fillmore, the 15th was an opportunity to show the world, and their own community, what talented black men could achieve. For others, some who had had few individual successes, the 15th was a chance to be with successful people and to accomplish goals as a team. It also meant a chance to work and live in a situation in which equality was measured by rank, not skin color.

  Patriotism was also an important consideration for the men joining the 15th. The United States was their country, and its battles were their battles. Black Americans enrolled eagerly, proud to wear the uniform and proud to take up arms in the cause of preserving democracy.

  The problems of mistreatment and abuse of African Americans, however, were clear, and W.E.B. DuBois addressed them in The Crisis. Recognizing that African Americans were still being lynched and segregated, and denied educational opportunities and, in many places, voting rights, he nevertheless urged black Americans to put aside their differences for the duration of the war and to take up America’s struggle.

  * * *

  EDITORIAL

  This is the crisis of the world. For all the long years to come men will point to the year 1918 as the great Day of Decision, the day when the world decided whether it would submit to military despotism and an endless armed peace—if peace it could be called—or whether they would put down the menace of German militarism and inaugurate the United States of the World.

  We of the colored race have no ordinary interest in the outcome. That which the German power represents today spells death to the aspirations of Negroes and all darker races for equality, freedom and democracy. Let us not hesitate. We make no ordinary sacrifice, but we make it gladly and willingly with our eyes lifted to the hills. Let us, while this war lasts, forget our special grievances and close our ranks shoulder to shoulder with our own white fellow citizens and the allied nations that are fighting for democracy.

  W.E.B. DuBois

  The Crisis, July 1918

  Black recruits

  15th National Guard color bearers

  Black volunteers show the flag

  * * *

  7

  WHO WOULD LEAD COLORED MEN INTO BATTLE?

  Even as the black regiment was being formed in New York, the debate as to the role of African Americans in the army was being argued. The country was in a war mode. American flags and banners hung from windows. Recruiting posters appeared with proud images of young white Americans standing up for their country. But the enlistments—those men volunteering to enter the armed forces—would not be enough to put an army into the field. The sheer numbers of men needed to engage in the war suggested that eventually the United States would have to bring men into military service on a nonvoluntary basis, and plans were drawn to do so. Such a draft would involve a wide range of men, black and white.

  While the laws governing the National Guard said that the individual regiments, battalions, etc., would enter federal service as whole units, men who were called up by the draft would be placed wherever the military needed them. People in the black community felt that no blacks would be called into the service as officers. A proposal was made by Joel E. Spingarn to open a school for black officers.

  Draft flyer

  The fact that the school would be exclusively for black officers was not easily accepted in the African American community. It was, to many, volunteer segregation. But Spingarn, a white man from a prominent family long interested in seeking equality for blacks, saw the issue differently.

  * * *

  MILITARY TRAINING CAMP FOR COLORED MEN

  An Open Letter from Dr. J. E. Spingarn

  New York, February 15, 1917.

  To the Educated Colored Men of the United States:

  It is of the highest importance that the educated colored men of this country should be given opportunities for leadership. You must cease to remain in the background in every field of national activity, and must come forward to assume your right places as leaders of American life. All of you cannot be leaders, but those of you who have the capacity for leadership must be given an opportunity to test and display it.

  There is now just such an opportunity possible for you, in case of war, to become leaders and officers instead of followers and privates. Major General Leonard Wood, of the U.S. Army, commanding the Department of the East, has promised that if two hundred of you apply for admission, he will organize and maintain a military training camp for colored men, with just the sort of training to fit you to serve as officers of volunteers in case of war.

  I do not believe that colored men should be separated from other Americans in any field of life; but the crisis is too near at hand to discuss principles and opinions, and it seems to me that there is only one thing for you to do at this juncture, and that is to get the training that will fit you to be officers, however and wherever and whenever this training may be obtained. If two hundred of you do not send applications immediately, the opportunity may be lost forever.

  The camp will be conducted on exactly the same principles as the military training camp held at Plattsburgh, N.Y., where thousands of men have received intensive training in military service. It will be under the direction of United States Army officers. It will last four weeks. The date has not been fixed, but it will probably begin early in June. The status of every student at the camp will be that of a cadet, just as at West Point.

  I understand that the transportation to and from the camp will be defrayed by the government, and that the subsistence and training at the camp will be free. It is probable that every man will have to pay his own fare to the camp, and that after he arrives, his travelling expenses will be refunded, and his fare home paid. The only expense will be the cost of the uniform, which each man must furnish himself. This consists of a khaki blouse, khaki breeches, two olive drab shirts, web belt, campaign hat and cotton leggings, costing in all about eight or ten dollars. Any good russet walking shoes will do. The outfit may be purchased on arrival at camp, or better still, from the Army and Navy Co-operative Company, with branches in New York, Washington and Philadelphia. Almost any sporting goods store can furnish the outfit, which must be of the regular army pattern. Those who wish to do some study in advance are advised to read Moss’s Manual of Military Training.

  Candidates must be between the ages of 20 and 45, in vigorous health, and of good moral character. Men who are graduates or undergraduates of colleges, high-schools, normal, agricultural, or industrial schools, or other institutions of
learning, are preferred; but any man of intelligence, character, and ability may join. Previous military experience is not necessary. If you are not a graduate or undergraduate of some institution, it might be advisable to have a letter of recommendation from some person of repute….

  Sincerely yours,

  J. E. SPINGARN

  * * *

  One of the first black men who applied to the officer training school was James E. Gould.

  African Americans had been enlisting in the United States Navy long before they were officially accepted into the Army. When the U.S.S. Niagara slid into blockade position during the Civil War, she had a number of black sailors, among whom was William B. Gould. For Gould, joining the Union forces was a chance to both preserve the Union and strike a blow against slavery. It was a chance that he could not let go by.

  More than fifty years later Gould was still talking about his part in the combat in service to his country. On May 30, 1917, the veterans known as members of the Grand Army of the Republic met in Dedham, Massachusetts, to honor the members of the Union army who had been killed during the Civil War and to discuss the present war raging in Europe.

  James E. Gould, William’s son, listened attentively as the older men spoke of past glories. The army was drafting African Americans to fight in the war, and young James wanted to be part of the effort to make the world safe for democracy. He had already applied to the officer training school in Plattsburgh, New York, only to be told that his application was “on hold” until the War Department decided what it would do with colored soldiers.