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    Schindler's List

    Page 46
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      Brinnlitz, and though it understates numerically the

      extent of his rescue, it declares that it has been

      erected in love and gratitude. Ten days

      later in Jerusalem, he was declared a Righteous

      Person, this title being a peculiarly

      Israeli honor based on an ancient

      tribal assumption that in the mass of Gentiles, the God of Israel would always provide a leavening of just men. Oskar was invited also to plant a carob tree in the Avenue of the Righteous leading to the Yad Vashem Museum. The tree is still there, marked by a plaque, in a grove which contains trees planted in the name of all the other Righteous. A tree for Julius Madritsch, who had illicitly fed and protected his workers in a manner quite unheard of among the Krupps and the Farbens, stands there also, and a tree for Raimund Titsch, the Madritsch supervisor in P@lasz@ow. On that stony ridge, few of the memorial trees have grown to more than 10 feet.

      The German press carried stories of

      Oskar’s wartime rescues and of the Yad

      Vashem ceremonies. These reports, always laudatory, did not make his life easier.

      He was hissed on the streets of Frankfurt, stones were thrown, a group of workmen jeered him and called out that he ought to have been burned with the Jews. In 1963 he punched a factory worker who’d called him a “Jew-kisser,” and the man lodged a charge of assault. In the local court, the lowest level of the German judiciary, Oskar received a lecture from the judge and was ordered to pay damages. “I would kill myself,” he wrote to Henry Rosner in Queens, New York, “if it wouldn’t give them so much satisfaction.”

      These humiliations increased his dependence on the

      survivors. They were his only emotional and

      financial surety. For the rest of his life he

      would spend some months of every year with them, living

      honored and well in Tel Aviv and

      Jerusalem, eating free of charge at a

      Rumanian restaurant in Ben Yehudah

      Street, Tel Aviv, though subject sometimes

      to Moshe Bejski’s filial efforts to limit his

      drinking to three double cognacs a night. In the

      end, he would always return to the other half of his

      soul: the disinherited self; the mean, cramped

      apartment a few hundred meters from

      Frankfurt’s central railway station.

      Writing from Los Angeles to other

      Schindlerjuden in the United States that

      year, Poldek Pfefferberg urged all

      survivors to donate at least a day’s pay a

      year to Oskar Schindler, whose state he

      described as “discouragement, loneliness, disillusion.”

      Oskar’s contacts with the Schindlerjuden

      continued on a yearly basis. It was a seasonal

      matter—half the year as the Israeli

      butterfly, half the year as the Frankfurt

      grub. He was continually short of money. A Tel Aviv committee of which Itzhak Stern, Jakob Sternberg, and Moshe Bejski were again members continued to lobby the West German government for an adequate pension for Oskar. The grounds for their appeal were his wartime heroism, the property he had lost, and the by-now-fragile state of his health. The first official reaction from the German government was, however, the award of the Cross of Merit in 1966, in a ceremony at which Konrad Adenauer presided. It was not till July 1, 1968, that the Ministry of Finance was happy to report that from that date it would pay him a pension of 200 marks per month. Three months later, pensioner Schindler received the Papal Knighthood of St. Sylvester from the hands of the Bishop of Limburg.

      Oskar was still willing to cooperate with the Federal Justice Department in the pursuit of war criminals. In this matter he seems to have been implacable. On his birthday in 1967, he gave confidential information concerning many of the personnel of KL P@lasz@ow. The transcript of his evidence of that date shows that he does not hesitate to testify, but also that he is a scrupulous witness. If he knows nothing or little of a particular SS man, he says so.

      He says it of Amthor; of the SS man

      Zugsburger; of Fraulein Ohnesorge, one

      of the quick-tempered women supervisors. He does not hesitate, however, to call Bosch a murderer and an exploiter, and says that he recognized Bosch at a railway station in Munich in 1946, approached him, and asked him if—after P@lasz@ow—he could manage to sleep.

      Bosch, says Oskar, was at that point living under

      an East German passport. A supervisor

      named Mohwinkel, representative in

      P@lasz@ow of the German Armaments Works, is also roundly condemned; “intelligent but brutal,” Oskar says of him. Of Goeth’s bodyguard, Gr@un, he tells the story of the attempted execution of the Emalia prisoner Lamus, which he himself prevented by a gift of vodka. (it is a story to which a great number of prisoners also testify in their statements in Yad Vashem.) Of the NCO Ritschek, Oskar says that he has a bad reputation but that he himself knows nothing of his crimes. He is also uncertain whether the photograph the Justice Department showed him is in fact Ritschek. There is only one person on the Justice Department list for whom Oskar is willing to give an unqualified commendation. That is the engineer Huth, who had helped him during his last arrest. Huth, he says, was highly respected and highly spoken of by the prisoners themselves.

      As he entered his sixties, he began working for the German Friends of Hebrew University. This involvement resulted from the urgings of those Schindlerjuden who were concerned with restoring some new purpose to Oskar’s life. He began to work raising funds in West Germany. His old capacity to inveigle and charm officials and businessmen was exercised once again. He also helped set up a scheme of exchanges between German and Israeli children.

      Despite the precariousness of his health, he still lived and drank like a young man. He was in love with a German woman named Annemarie, whom he had met at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. She would become the emotional linchpin of his later life.

      His wife, Emilie, still lived, without any

      financial help from him, in her little house in

      San Vicente, south of Buenos Aires. She

      lives there at the time of the writing of this book. As

      she was in Brinnlitz, she is a figure of

      quiet dignity. In a documentary made

      by German television in 1973, she spoke— without any of the abandoned wife’s bitterness or sense of grievance—about Oskar and Brinnlitz, about her own behavior in Brinnlitz.

      Perceptively, she remarked that Oskar had done nothing astounding before the war and had been unexceptional since. He was fortunate, therefore, that in that short fierce era between 1939 and 1945 he had met people who summoned forth his deeper talents.

      In 1972, during a visit by Oskar to the

      New York executive office of the American

      Friends of Hebrew University, three

      Schindlerjuden, partners in a large New

      Jersey construction company, led a group of

      seventy-five other Schindler prisoners in

      raising $120,000 to dedicate to Oskar a

      floor of the Truman Research Center at

      Hebrew University. The floor would house a Book of Life, containing an account of Oskar’s rescues and a list of the rescued. Two of these partners, Murray Pantirer and Isak Levenstein, had been sixteen years old when Oskar brought them to Brinnlitz. Now Oskar’s children had become his parents, his best recourse, his source of honor.

      He was very ill. The men who had been

      physicians in Brinnlitz—Alexander

      Biberstein, for example—knew it. One of them

      warned Oskar’s close friends, “The man should not be

      alive. His heart is working through pure

      stubbornness.”

      In October 1974, he collapsed at his

      small apartment near the railway station in Frankfurt and died in a hospital on October 9. His death ce
    rtificate says that advanced hardening of the arteries of the brain and heart had caused the final seizure. His will declared a wish he had already expressed to a number of Schindlerjuden—that he be buried in Jerusalem. Within two weeks the Franciscan parish priest of Jerusalem had given his permission for Herr Oskar Schindler, one of the Church’s least observant sons, to be buried in the Latin Cemetery of Jerusalem.

      Another month passed before Oskar’s body was

      carried in a leaden casket through the crammed

      streets of the Old City of Jerusalem to the

      Catholic cemetery, which looks south over the

      Valley of Hinnom, called Gehenna in the

      New Testament. In the press photograph of the

      procession can be seen—amid a stream of other

      Schindler Jews—Itzhak Stern, Moshe

      Bejski, Helen Hirsch, Jakob Sternberg,

      Juda Dresner.

      He was mourned on every continent.

      APPENDIX

      SS Ranks and Their

      Army Equivalents

      COMMISSIONED RANKS

      Oberst-gruppenf@uhrer: general

      Obergruppenf@uhrer: lieutenant general

      Gruppenf@uhrer: major general

      Brigadef@uhrer: brigadier general

      Oberf@uhrer: (no army equivalent)

      Standartenf@uhrer: colonel

      Obersturmbannf@uhrer: lieutenant colonel

      Sturmbannf@uhrer: major

      Hauptsturmf@uhrer: captain

      Obersturmf@uhrer: first lieutenant

      Untersturmf@uhrer: second lieutenant

      NONCOMMISSIONED RANKS

      Oberscharf@uhrer: a senior noncommissioned

      rank

      Unterscharf@uhrer: equivalent to sergeant

      Rottenf@uhrer: equivalent to corporal

     

     

     



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