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    Key Thinkers of the Radical Right

    Page 4
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      example, President Trump’s former “chief strategist,” Steve Bannon, has

      referred to Evola and Dugin only obliquely, and has only once mentioned

      his appreciation of Guénon, the French esotericist who inspired both

      Evola and Dugin.13 These key thinkers of the radical Right, then, matter

      everywhere that the Right is resurgent, in America as much as in France,

      Greece, Russia, and Hungary.

      Notes

      1. One of the inspirations of this book has been Kurt Lenk, Günter Meuter, and

      Henrique Ricardo Otten, Vordenker der Neuen Rechten [Key Thinkers of the New

      Right] (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1997). This work by three German scholars,

      which has been translated into French but not into English, discusses six key

      thinkers, three of whom are also discussed in this book. The three that are not

      discussed are Heidegger, for reasons given earlier, Georges Sorel, and Hans

      Freyer. None of these, though undoubtedly important, especially in a German

      context, is now widely read internationally.

      2. Alain de Benoist, Vu de droite (Arpajon: Editions du Labyrinthe, 2001), xii.

      3. Guillaume Faye, Pourquoi nous combattons: manifeste de la résistance européenne

      (Paris: L’Æncre, 2001), 119.

      4. Guillaume Corvus, La convergence des catastrophes (Paris: Diffusion International

      Éditions, 2004).

      5. Paul Gottfried, After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State (Princeton,

      NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

      6. Bat Ye’or, Eurabia: The Euro- Arab Axis (Madison, NJ: Farleigh Dickinson Press,

      2005), 20.

      7. Mencius Moldbug, “OL9: How to Uninstall a Cathedral,” UR, June 12, 2008,

      https:// unqualified- reservations.blogspot.com/ 2008/ 06/ ol9- how- to- uninstall-

      cathedral.html.

      xvi

      xxvi

      Introduction

      8. Greg Johnson, “November 9, 2016,” accessed December 14, 2017, https:// www.

      counter- currents.com/ 2016/ 11/ november- 9– 2016/.

      9. He rejects the label “gay.”

      10. Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes: Umrisse einer Morphologie der

      Weltgeschichte (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1922), 1:107– 108.

      11. Jack Donovan, The Way of Men (Milwaukie, OR: Dissonant Hum, 2012), 139.

      12. Donovan, “Anarcho- Fascism,” Jack Donovan, March 3, 2013, archived March 3,

      2017, https:// web.archive.org/ web/ 20170331060008/ http:// www.jack- donovan.

      com/ axis/ 2013/ 03/ anarcho- fascism/.

      13. Jason Horowitz, “Steve Bannon Cited Italian Thinker Who Inspired Fascists,”

      New York Times, February 10, 2017, https:// www.nytimes.com/ 2017/ 02/ 10/

      world/ europe/ bannon- vatican- julius- evola- fascism.html; Joshua Green, Devil’s Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump, and the Nationalist Uprising

      (New York: Penguin Press, 2017), 204– 207.

      1

      PART I

      Classic Thinkers

      2

      3

      1

      Oswald Spengler and the Decline

      of the West

      David Engels

      “ I N T H I S B O O K is attempted for the first time the venture of predetermining

      history, of following the still untraveled stages in the destiny of a culture,

      and specifically of the only culture of our time and on our planet which is ac-

      tually in the phase of fulfillment— the West- European- American.”1 These

      are the bold first words of Oswald Spengler’s The Decline of the West ( Der

      Untergang des Abendlandes), the aim of which was to sketch the potential

      future of the West on the basis of the method of cultural comparison, and

      to provide the blueprint for each and every human high culture. Spengler

      often considered himself one of the last representatives of the bourgeois

      society of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and felt deeply un-

      happy with the twentieth century, an impression of “untimeliness,” which

      also characterized several of his contemporaries, such as Thomas Mann

      and Herrmann Hesse. This explains the nostalgic overtones in Spengler’s

      writings as well as his (unconvincing) attempts at overcoming his mel-

      ancholy by posing as a dogged advocate of technology, imperialism, and

      mass civilization.

      Oswald Spengler’s fame is based on his The Decline of the West, a

      monumental historical study that endeavored to show that all human

      civilizations live through similar phases of evolution, roughly equivalent

      to the different ages of a biological entity. During the 1920s, Spengler’s

      ideas were much debated not only in Germany but everywhere in Europe

      and America, and though the academic world remained generally skep-

      tical, Spengler’s prophecy of the impending decline and ultimate fall of

      4

      4

      C L A S S I C T H I N K E R S

      Western civilization influenced many writers and artists, then and now.

      Spengler also dabbled in politics and attempted, in a series of smaller

      essays such as Prussianism and Socialism, Political Duties of German Youth,

      and Building the German Empire Anew, to promote the idea of a conserva-

      tive renaissance in Germany.2

      The rise of National Socialism gradually put Spengler in a situation

      of ideological opposition, illustrated by his The Hour of Decision, which

      criticized Hitler’s racial theory and made him persona non grata.3 After

      the Second World War, Spengler’s elitism and his expectation of the ad-

      vent of a German- dominated Europe as a modern equivalent of the

      Roman Empire overshadowed the reception of his work until the 1990s.

      This somewhat masked the complexity of his thought, which prefigures

      such modern debates as the criticism of technology, ecological issues,

      interreligious questions, the rise of Asia, and prehistoric human evolu-

      tion. However, since the end of the Cold War, Spengler’s work has been

      gradually rediscovered and discussed, and gives an intriguing— if highly

      controversial— perspective on the numerous challenges the Western world

      has been confronted with since the beginning of the twenty- first century.

      Life and context

      Oswald Arnold Gottfried Spengler was born on May 29, 1880, at

      Blankenburg, Harz, in Germany, the son of Bernhard Spengler, a stern

      and anti- intellectual official in the post office, and Pauline Grantzow, the

      somewhat depressive descendant of an artistic family.4 Oswald was the

      oldest surviving child of their union, which also brought forth three girls,

      Adele, Gertrud, and Hildegard, the youngest of whom later lived with her

      brother as his housekeeper. In 1891 the family moved to Halle an der Saale,

      where Spengler was educated as a pupil of the Francke Foundations, a reli-

      giously motivated educational institution strongly influenced by Protestant

      Pietism. The siblings later on remembered their childhood as difficult and

      sad, and Oswald, also suffering from severe headaches, tried to secure

      some form of inner autonomy by keeping away from his schoolmates,

      indulging in the most diverse autodidactic studies, describing, in great

      detail, imaginary world empires,5 and writing, at seventeen, a drama titled

      Montezuma.6

      Exempted from military service because of a severe heart problem,

      Spengler took courses in mathe
    matics, natural sciences, and philosophy

      at the universities of Halle, Munich, and Berlin, and received, in 1904,

      5

      Oswald Spengler and the Decline of the West

      5

      his PhD with a thesis on Heraclitus, “The Fundamental Metaphysical

      Thought of the Heraclitean Philosophy.”7 In 1905 he also submitted the

      secondary dissertation ( Staatsexamensarbeit) needed to become a high-

      school teacher, this time on the evolution of the eye, “The Development

      of the Organ of Sight in the Higher Realms of the Animal Kingdom.”8

      Despite his loathing for teaching (he reportedly suffered a nervous break-

      down merely from looking at his first school), Spengler seems to have

      been appreciated by his pupils, though not by his colleagues, and he suc-

      cessively worked as a teacher in Saarbrücken, Düsseldorf, and Hamburg

      until 1911, when the small inheritance he received on the death of his

      mother (his father had died in 1901) enabled him to retire from teaching

      and live as an independent writer.

      Spengler moved to Munich and started to write, alongside numerous

      smaller contributions for various journals and several (abortive) novels,

      his major scholarly work, The Decline of the West. The composition of this

      work, taking almost seven years, was particularly difficult, as is shown by

      Spengler’s diaries from this period, Eis heauton (“On himself”), which

      permit valuable insights into his tormented personality and his perma-

      nent self- doubts.9 The first volume of the Decline of the West appeared in

      1918, shortly before the end of the First World War, and instantly made

      him a celebrity. While writing the second volume (published in 1922,

      followed by a revised edition of the first, varying marginally in style

      but not in content), Spengler also began to reflect on the German de-

      feat and to actively engage with contemporary political questions. The

      first result was the publication, in 1919, of Prussianism and Socialism,

      followed by numerous shorter texts, which only marginally added to the

      positions developed in The Decline of the West, such as Political Duties of

      German Youth and Building the German Empire Anew. A confirmed bach-

      elor and a man permanently riddled with deep psychological issues,

      Spengler never started a family but lived with his sister Hildegard, who

      had moved to Munich after her husband’s death and acted as Spengler’s

      housekeeper.10

      After becoming something of a celebrity and, given his growing in-

      terest not only in political but also in economic and financial politics,11

      Spengler endeavored to get involved in politics in a decidedly conserv-

      ative and elitist way.12 His attempts, including his support in 1924 for

      General Hans von Seeckt’s unsuccessful run at power, only demonstrated

      his personal shortcomings when it came to understanding the intrigues

      of everyday politics and to dealing with opponents and rivals. Over the

      6

      6

      C L A S S I C T H I N K E R S

      following decade, Spengler slowly dropped his political ambitions and

      concentrated instead on reassessing questions that The Decline of the West

      had left open, though he was severely hampered in his work by health is-

      sues, which included a cerebral hemorrhage in 1927. In 1931 he published

      Man and Technics, a visionary reflection on the history and environmental

      shortcomings of technology from earliest times to the predicted end of

      the West.13

      Unfortunately, the major monograph Spengler had started to sketch

      after the publication of The Decline of the West never reached comple-

      tion and remained a collection of shattered fragments and aphorisms.

      However, the material, edited posthumously,14 is substantial enough to in-

      dicate the outlines and general content of the project.15

      Spengler’s last years were overshadowed by the rise of Hitler. While

      Spengler, on the basis of his comparative method, had considered

      the transformation of ultracapitalist mass democracies into dicta-

      torial regimes as inevitable, and had expressed some sympathy for

      Mussolini’s Fascist movement as a first symptom of this development

      (a sympathy returned by Mussolini, who favored the translation of

      Spengler’s writings into Italian),16 he took a much more critical view of

      National Socialism. As admirer of the spirit of the old Prussian aristoc-

      racy, he loathed what he saw as the proletarian and demagogic character

      of Hitler’s party and, given his own assumption of a radical parallelism

      between all past and present civilizations, considered the Aryan racial

      doctrine to be nonsense.17 Despite a personal and deeply unsatisfying

      meeting with Hitler himself and the regime’s initial endeavor to win

      him over in order to benefit from his international standing, Spengler

      gradually expressed his open contempt for the alleged “national up-

      rising,” culminating in his publication of The Hour of Decision ( Jahre

      der Entscheidung) in 1933, in which he openly criticized the new regime,

      though from the antiliberal perspective resulting from his belief in the

      inevitable trend of history.18 In 1934 Spengler even pronounced the fu-

      neral oration for one of the victims of Hitler’s crushing of the (alleged)

      Röhm Putsch and, in 1935, he retired from the board of the highly in-

      fluential Nietzsche Archive because of its outspoken support for the

      new regime. After having predicted the end of the Third Reich within

      the next ten years,19 Spengler died of a heart attack on May 8, 1936.

      The Festschrift devoted to him by some of his admirers was published

      quietly;20 a contribution promised by Mussolini was retracted,21 prob-

      ably in order to avoid diplomatic frictions.

      7

      Oswald Spengler and the Decline of the West

      7

      Inspirations

      In the introduction to The Decline of the West, Spengler felt the urge “to

      name once more those to whom I owe practically everything: Goethe and

      Nietzsche. Goethe gave me method, Nietzsche the questioning faculty.”22

      Although the influence of Goethe’s vitalism— mostly his interest in bo-

      tanic sciences and what he called the “primordial plant” as the blueprint

      for all other living entities— and of Nietzsche’s cultural criticism can in-

      deed be felt everywhere,23 Goethe and Nietzsche (neither of whom was a

      proper historian) were not Spengler’s only sources. Spengler himself, as

      like every self- declared genius, generally insisted on the absolute “novelty”

      of his theory:

      The system that is put forward in this work . . . I regard as the

      Copernican discovery in the historical sphere, in that it admits no

      sort of privileged position to the Classical or the Western Culture

      as against the Cultures of India, Babylon, China, Egypt, the Arabs,

      Mexico— separate worlds of dynamic being which in point of mass

      count for just as much in the general picture of history as the

      Classical, while frequently surpassing it in point of spiritual great-

      ness and soaring power.24

      This assertion, however, is not unproblematic. The scholarly literature

      cited by Sp
    engler in his footnotes shows the wide array of the works he

      consulted, many of which prefigured some key features of his theory,

      including the universal and cyclical approach of world history, which

      was taken from the distinguished German academic historian Eduard

      Meyer, whom Spengler greatly appreciated. It is also clear that large

      parts of Spengler’s personal worldview were deeply influenced by con-

      temporary concepts in the philosophy of vitalism,25 the belief that all

      living organisms as well as their social creations are fundamentally dif-

      ferent from inorganic entities and submitted to their own set of laws

      characterized not merely by the mechanics of action and reaction but by

      the fate of birth, blossom, decline, and death. Furthermore, the idea that

      civilizations broadly follow the evolutionary steps of a living being and

      can thus be compared with reference to this common pattern goes back

      to classical antiquity and even beyond, although we cannot be sure to

      what extent Spengler himself was aware of this.26 Cato the Elder, Cicero,

      Seneca, Florus, and Ammianus Marcellinus had all compared the rise,

      8

      8

      C L A S S I C T H I N K E R S

      maturity, and decline of the Roman state to the different ages of man, an

      approach which exerted a tremendous influence on many later historians

      including even Francis Bacon, who used the biological analogy in order

      to compare different empires with each other. To some extent, this pat-

      tern also underlay another, equally influential interpretation of history,

      that of the dialectic approach first formulated in the theologico- historical

      speculations of Joachim of Fiore, who compared the history of salva-

      tion to the three persons of the Holy Trinity, and the philosophy of his-

      tory of Hegel, who compared not only the three dialectical phases of

      human evolution to the three ages of man but who also tried, rather like

      Giambattista Vico, to show how the spirit of every people ( Volksgeist) in

      itself evolved in a dialectical and biological way.27

      Nevertheless, Spengler is right in claiming that nobody in Western

      thought had pushed historical comparatism to such a degree as him-

      self. Although he engaged for the most part with the classical, Arab,

     


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