to be savage, merciless, and cruel; and of whom every man on his
own ground, in republican America, is a more exacting, and a
sterner, and a less responsible despot than the Caliph Haroun
Alraschid in his angry robe of scarlet.
The third, and not the least numerous or influential, is composed
of all that delicate gentility which cannot bear a superior, and
cannot brook an equal; of that class whose Republicanism means, 'I
will not tolerate a man above me: and of those below, none must
approach too near;' whose pride, in a land where voluntary
servitude is shunned as a disgrace, must be ministered to by
slaves; and whose inalienable rights can only have their growth in
negro wrongs.
It has been sometimes urged that, in the unavailing efforts which
have been made to advance the cause of Human Freedom in the
republic of America (strange cause for history to treat of!),
sufficient regard has not been had to the existence of the first
class of persons; and it has been contended that they are hardly
used, in being confounded with the second. This is, no doubt, the
case; noble instances of pecuniary and personal sacrifice have
already had their growth among them; and it is much to be regretted
that the gulf between them and the advocates of emancipation should
have been widened and deepened by any means: the rather, as there
are, beyond dispute, among these slave-owners, many kind masters
who are tender in the exercise of their unnatural power. Still, it
is to be feared that this injustice is inseparable from the state
of things with which humanity and truth are called upon to deal.
Slavery is not a whit the more endurable because some hearts are to
be found which can partially resist its hardening influences; nor
can the indignant tide of honest wrath stand still, because in its
onward course it overwhelms a few who are comparatively innocent,
among a host of guilty.
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The ground most commonly taken by these better men among the
advocates of slavery, is this: 'It is a bad system; and for myself
I would willingly get rid of it, if I could; most willingly. But
it is not so bad, as you in England take it to be. You are
deceived by the representations of the emancipationists. The
greater part of my slaves are much attached to me. You will say
that I do not allow them to be severely treated; but I will put it
to you whether you believe that it can be a general practice to
treat them inhumanly, when it would impair their value, and would
be obviously against the interests of their masters.'
Is it the interest of any man to steal, to game, to waste his
health and mental faculties by drunkenness, to lie, forswear
himself, indulge hatred, seek desperate revenge, or do murder? No.
All these are roads to ruin. And why, then, do men tread them?
Because such inclinations are among the vicious qualities of
mankind. Blot out, ye friends of slavery, from the catalogue of
human passions, brutal lust, cruelty, and the abuse of
irresponsible power (of all earthly temptations the most difficult
to be resisted), and when ye have done so, and not before, we will
inquire whether it be the interest of a master to lash and maim the
slaves, over whose lives and limbs he has an absolute control!
But again: this class, together with that last one I have named,
the miserable aristocracy spawned of a false republic, lift up
their voices and exclaim 'Public opinion is all-sufficient to
prevent such cruelty as you denounce.' Public opinion! Why,
public opinion in the slave States IS slavery, is it not? Public
opinion, in the slave States, has delivered the slaves over, to the
gentle mercies of their masters. Public opinion has made the laws,
and denied the slaves legislative protection. Public opinion has
knotted the lash, heated the branding-iron, loaded the rifle, and
shielded the murderer. Public opinion threatens the abolitionist
with death, if he venture to the South; and drags him with a rope
about his middle, in broad unblushing noon, through the first city
in the East. Public opinion has, within a few years, burned a
slave alive at a slow fire in the city of St. Louis; and public
opinion has to this day maintained upon the bench that estimable
judge who charged the jury, impanelled there to try his murderers,
so, must not be punished by the laws the public sentiment had made.
Public opinion hailed this doctrine with a howl of wild applause,
and set the prisoners free, to walk the city, men of mark, and
influence, and station, as they had been before.
Public opinion! what class of men have an immense preponderance
over the rest of the community, in their power of representing
public opinion in the legislature? the slave-owners. They send
from their twelve States one hundred members, while the fourteen
free States, with a free population nearly double, return but a
hundred and forty-two. Before whom do the presidential candidates
bow down the most humbly, on whom do they fawn the most fondly, and
for whose tastes do they cater the most assiduously in their
servile protestations? The slave-owners always.
Public opinion! hear the public opinion of the free South, as
expressed by its own members in the House of Representatives at
Washington. 'I have a great respect for the chair,' quoth North
Carolina, 'I have a great respect for the chair as an officer of
the house, and a great respect for him personally; nothing but that
respect prevents me from rushing to the table and tearing that
petition which has just been presented for the abolition of slavery
in the district of Columbia, to pieces.' - 'I warn the
abolitionists,' says South Carolina, 'ignorant, infuriated
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barbarians as they are, that if chance shall throw any of them into
our hands, he may expect a felon's death.' - 'Let an abolitionist
come within the borders of South Carolina,' cries a third; mild
Carolina's colleague; 'and if we can catch him, we will try him,
and notwithstanding the interference of all the governments on
earth, including the Federal government, we will HANG him.'
Public opinion has made this law. - It has declared that in
Washington, in that city which takes its name from the father of
American liberty, any justice of the peace may bind with fetters
any negro passing down the street and thrust him into jail: no
offence on the black man's part is necessary. The justice says, 'I
choose to think this man a runaway:' and locks him up. Public
opinion impowers the man of law when this is done, to advertise the
negro in the newspapers, warning his owner to come and claim him,
or he will be sold to pay the jail fees. But supposing he is a
free black, and has no owner, it may naturally be presumed that he
is s
et at liberty. No: HE IS SOLD TO RECOMPENSE HIS JAILER. This
has been done again, and again, and again. He has no means of
proving his freedom; has no adviser, messenger, or assistance of
any sort or kind; no investigation into his case is made, or
inquiry instituted. He, a free man, who may have served for years,
and bought his liberty, is thrown into jail on no process, for no
crime, and on no pretence of crime: and is sold to pay the jail
fees. This seems incredible, even of America, but it is the law.
Public opinion is deferred to, in such cases as the following:
which is headed in the newspapers:-
'INTERESTING LAW-CASE.
'An interesting case is now on trial in the Supreme Court, arising
out of the following facts. A gentleman residing in Maryland had
allowed an aged pair of his slaves, substantial though not legal
freedom for several years. While thus living, a daughter was born
to them, who grew up in the same liberty, until she married a free
negro, and went with him to reside in Pennsylvania. They had
several children, and lived unmolested until the original owner
died, when his heir attempted to regain them; but the magistrate
before whom they were brought, decided that he had no jurisdiction
in the case. THE OWNER SEIZED THE WOMAN AND HER CHILDREN ITS THE
NIGHT, AND CARRIED THEM TO MARYLAND.'
'Cash for negroes,' 'cash for negroes,' 'cash for negroes,' is the
heading of advertisements in great capitals down the long columns
of the crowded journals. Woodcuts of a runaway negro with manacled
hands, crouching beneath a bluff pursuer in top boots, who, having
caught him, grasps him by the throat, agreeably diversify the
pleasant text. The leading article protests against 'that
abominable and hellish doctrine of abolition, which is repugnant
alike to every law of God and nature.' The delicate mamma, who
smiles her acquiescence in this sprightly writing as she reads the
paper in her cool piazza, quiets her youngest child who clings
about her skirts, by promising the boy 'a whip to beat the little
niggers with.' - But the negroes, little and big, are protected by
public opinion.
Let us try this public opinion by another test, which is important
in three points of view: first, as showing how desperately timid
of the public opinion slave-owners are, in their delicate
descriptions of fugitive slaves in widely circulated newspapers;
secondly, as showing how perfectly contented the slaves are, and
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how very seldom they run away; thirdly, as exhibiting their entire
freedom from scar, or blemish, or any mark of cruel infliction, as
their pictures are drawn, not by lying abolitionists, but by their
own truthful masters.
The following are a few specimens of the advertisements in the
public papers. It is only four years since the oldest among them
appeared; and others of the same nature continue to be published
every day, in shoals.
'Ran away, Negress Caroline. Had on a collar with one prong turned
down.'
'Ran away, a black woman, Betsy. Had an iron bar on her right
leg.'
'Ran away, the negro Manuel. Much marked with irons.'
'Ran away, the negress Fanny. Had on an iron band about her neck.'
'Ran away, a negro boy about twelve years old. Had round his neck
a chain dog-collar with "De Lampert" engraved on it.'
'Ran away, the negro Hown. Has a ring of iron on his left foot.
Also, Grise, HIS WIFE, having a ring and chain on the left leg.'
'Ran away, a negro boy named James. Said boy was ironed when he
left me.'
'Committed to jail, a man who calls his name John. He has a clog
of iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds.'
'Detained at the police jail, the negro wench, Myra. Has several
marks of LASHING, and has irons on her feet.'
'Ran away, a negro woman and two children. A few days before she
went off, I burnt her with a hot iron, on the left side of her
face. I tried to make the letter M.'
'Ran away, a negro man named Henry; his left eye out, some scars
from a dirk on and under his left arm, and much scarred with the
whip.'
'One hundred dollars reward, for a negro fellow, Pompey, 40 years
old. He is branded on the left jaw.'
'Committed to jail, a negro man. Has no toes on the left foot.'
'Ran away, a negro woman named Rachel. Has lost all her toes
except the large one.'
'Ran away, Sam. He was shot a short time since through the hand,
and has several shots in his left arm and side.'
'Ran away, my negro man Dennis. Said negro has been shot in the
left arm between the shoulder and elbow, which has paralysed the
left hand.'
'Ran away, my negro man named Simon. He has been shot badly, in
his back and right arm.'
'Ran away, a negro named Arthur. Has a considerable scar across
his breast and each arm, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the
goodness of God.'
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'Twenty-five dollars reward for my man Isaac. He has a scar on his
forehead, caused by a blow; and one on his back, made by a shot
from a pistol.'
'Ran away, a negro girl called Mary. Has a small scar over her
eye, a good many teeth missing, the letter A is branded on her
cheek and forehead.'
'Ran away, negro Ben. Has a scar on his right hand; his thumb and
forefinger being injured by being shot last fall. A part of the
bone came out. He has also one or two large scars on his back and
hips.'
'Detained at the jail, a mulatto, named Tom. Has a scar on the
right cheek, and appears to have been burned with powder on the
face.'
'Ran away, a negro man named Ned. Three of his fingers are drawn
into the palm of his hand by a cut. Has a scar on the back of his
neck, nearly half round, done by a knife.'
'Was committed to jail, a negro man. Says his name is Josiah. His
back very much scarred by the whip; and branded on the thigh and
hips in three or four places, thus (J M). The rim of his right ear
has been bit or cut off.'
'Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward. He has a scar on the
corner of his mouth, two cuts on and under his arm, and the letter
E on his arm.'
'Ran away, negro boy Ellie. Has a scar on one of his arms from the
bite of a dog.'
'Ran away, from the plantation of James Surgette, the following
negroes: Randal, has one ear cropped; Bob, has lost one eye;
Kentucky Tom, has one jaw broken.'
'Ran away, Anthony. One of his ears cut off, and his left hand cut
with an axe.'
'Fifty dollars reward for the negro Jim Blake. Has a piece cut out
of each ear, and the middle finger of the left hand cut off to the
second joint.'
'Ran away, a negro woman named Maria. Has a scar on one side of
her cheek, by a cut. Some scars on her back.'
'
Ran away, the Mulatto wench Mary. Has a cut on the left arm, a
scar on the left shoulder, and two upper teeth missing.'
I should say, perhaps, in explanation of this latter piece of
description, that among the other blessings which public opinion
secures to the negroes, is the common practice of violently
punching out their teeth. To make them wear iron collars by day
and night, and to worry them with dogs, are practices almost too
ordinary to deserve mention.
'Ran away, my man Fountain. Has holes in his ears, a scar on the
right side of his forehead, has been shot in the hind part of his
legs, and is marked on the back with the whip.'
'Two hundred and fifty dollars reward for my negro man Jim. He is
much marked with shot in his right thigh. The shot entered on the
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outside, halfway between the hip and knee joints.'
'Brought to jail, John. Left ear cropt.'
'Taken up, a negro man. Is very much scarred about the face and
body, and has the left ear bit off.'
'Ran away, a black girl, named Mary. Has a scar on her cheek, and
the end of one of her toes cut off.'
'Ran away, my Mulatto woman, Judy. She has had her right arm
broke.'
'Ran away, my negro man, Levi. His left hand has been burnt, and I
think the end of his forefinger is off.'
'Ran away, a negro man, NAMED WASHINGTON. Has lost a part of his
middle finger, and the end of his little finger.'
'Twenty-five dollars reward for my man John. The tip of his nose
is bit off.'
'Twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave, Sally. Walks AS
THOUGH crippled in the back.'
'Ran away, Joe Dennis. Has a small notch in one of his ears.'
'Ran away, negro boy, Jack. Has a small crop out of his left ear.'
'Ran away, a negro man, named Ivory. Has a small piece cut out of
the top of each ear.'
While upon the subject of ears, I may observe that a distinguished
abolitionist in New York once received a negro's ear, which had
been cut off close to the head, in a general post letter. It was
forwarded by the free and independent gentleman who had caused it
to be amputated, with a polite request that he would place the
specimen in his 'collection.'
I could enlarge this catalogue with broken arms, and broken legs,
and gashed flesh, and missing teeth, and lacerated backs, and bites