significant effect on Madhvâcârya. His innovations, as I will show,
included strategies for maintaining religious identity as well as ways to
maintain the existing social system that he felt was being threatened.
Madhvâcârya’s school of Vedânta is, in part, a reaction, against the
multiplicity of theologies and social structures in 13th and 14th-century
Karõâñaka.
There is very little information about Madhvâcârya’s life in medieval
Tuëunâóu. Aside from relevant colophons found in Madhvâcârya’s own
works, his biographical data derives from the Madhvavijaya, The
Triumph of Madhvâcârya (hereafter MV), a hagiography composed by
his devotee and follower, Nârâyaõa Paõóitâcârya, and from inscriptional
evidence and records found in Uóupi mañhas, monasteries.2 These and other sources help to answer questions about the prevailing theological
environment as well as the intellectual and religious growth and
development of Madhvâcârya. Before learning about Madhvâcârya’s
life, however, it is essential to know what were the basic theological
issues that he faced and what were the primary concerns of medieval
South Asian theologies.
Basic theological issues
The philosophical and religious traditions extant in medieval South Asia
other than Abrahamic ones, all shared a belief in circular time. The
universe was held to be governed by this circularity as it is perpetually
1 For further information about the establishment of the dates of Madhvâcârya see Sharma, History, 77–79 and Sharma, ‘The Question of the Date of Madhvacharya.’
2 For further information regarding inscriptional and other biographical evidence refer to Sharma, History, 75–89.
1
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An Introduction to Mâdhva Vedânta
born and destroyed. This exhibited itself on the microcosmic level as the
cycle of rebirth and the mechanism of karma, that one’s actions in earlier
lives affected both the rebirth and events that are to occur in one’s future
lives. The entity which was reborn is the jîva, enduring self, also known
as the âtman. One accumulates some combination of puõya, meritorious karma, or pâpa, demeritorious karma, popularly rendered in the West as ‘good’ and ‘bad’ karma, and is born again and again in saüsâra,
worldly existence. Though many are tempted to equate the two, pâpa in
Hinduism and sin in Christianity are based on, and refer to, significantly
different concepts and theologies.
One manifests one’s prârabdha, latent, karma. That is, the accumu-
lated karma manifests itself until it is depleted or until more is accrued.
Though the traditions differed widely on the origins and precise function
of these mechanisms of karma and saüsâra, they all agreed that they existed. They also all shared an interest in ending this seemingly endless
cycle and this desire was their raison d’être. The state that sentient
beings enter after being liberated from the cycle is called nirvâõa in
Buddhism and Jainism, and mokùa among the Hindu traditions. The
ontological status and characteristics of nirvâõa and mokùa differ vastly and each tradition of thought offered methods by which adherents could
break the cycle and attain the desired end (see Fig. 1.1).
karma
Jîva
saüsâra
Mokùa/Nirvâõa
1.1 Cycle of birth and rebirth
This required the development of elaborate ontologies and
epistemologies that were juxtaposed to eschatologies and soteriologies.
Learning one of these systems of thought is believed to be the first
step on the path to breaking the cycle of birth and rebirth. Competition
between the traditions involved showing that one’s own system
16
Madhvâcârya and the Mâdhva Tradition
3
was more coherent, convincing and easier to follow, than others, and
rival schools, the Mâdhva school of Vedânta was developed to offer
another method to attain mokùa, liberation. As I will show below, the
diverse religious environment of medieval Karõâñaka made the stakes of
intra and inter-religious dialogue very high indeed!
Sources
Much of the data about Madhvâcârya’s life derives from biographies
written by Nârâyaõa Paõóitâcârya. He was the son of Trivikrama
Paõóitâcârya, who was one of the direct disciples of Madhvâcârya.
Paõóitâcârya, a Úivaëëi Tuëu-speaking Brahmin belonging to the same
regional subcaste as Madhvâcârya, was born and raised in the Tuëunâóu
district. Nârâyaõa Paõóitâcârya was also a younger contemporary of
Madhvâcârya. This gives his MV, the metrical biography that he
composed, some social and historical accuracy. Further, the Mâdhva
community views Paõóitâcârya’s hagiographies as accurate. In fact,
students at the Pûrõaprajña Vidyâpîtþam, a monastic institution under
the auspices of Úrî Viúveùa Tîrtha, the svâmiji, esteemed religious
leader, of the Pejâvar mañha devoted to the training of Mâdhva priests
and scholars in Bangalore, India, respects his work so highly that it
requires its third, fourth and fifth-year students to memorize and pass
examinations on the MV.
Paõóitâcârya composed several hagiographies of Madhvâcârya in
addition to the MV. The Aõu-Madhvavijaya is an outline of the MV,
while the focus of the Madhvavijaya Bhâvaprakâúika is portions of
the MV. His Maõimañjarî differs from the hagiographies and is a
mythological account of the rise of Mâdhva Vedânta. For the purposes
of this brief summary I rely exclusively on the MV.
These biographies are not the only resources available. The
aùñamañhas, the eight monasteries, of Uóupi are the second source for
biographical records about Madhvâcârya. Madhvâcârya began the
institution of the eight mañhas, monasteries, before he disappeared.
According to the MV, Madhvâcârya disappeared rather than died. These
aùñamañhas preserve the doctrines, practices and history of the Mâdhva
tradition and are the centers for teaching and practicing Mâdhva
methods to obtain mokùa. These mañhas have kept genealogical and
inscriptional records regarding the paraüpara, lineage, of the svâmis, esteemed religious leaders, of each of the eight mañhas, funding and
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An Introduction to Mâdhva Vedânta
land ownership and other economic and political matters.3 Madhvâcârya
himself ordained the first svâmi of each of the eight mañhas.
Though the validity of these sources can be challenged, just as the
hagiographies of Jesus of Nazareth, I accept them as true for the
purposes of this volume. After all, it behoves readers to know the history
of the Mâdhva School according to Mâdhvas! Still, the history presented
here is not intended to be comprehensive. Instead, it is intended to
provide a basic understanding of the context within which Madhvâcârya
propounded his doctrine and the theologies and social changes that he
confronted.
Education
Aside from popular accounts, these tw
o sources are the bases for
knowledge about Madhvâcârya’s historical background. There is even
less information about his education, and much of it must be surmised
from rather limited data. Madhvâcârya was, of course, familiar with
the literature of the schools of Vedânta, proven by the 292 texts that
he mentions by name in his works.4 The schools of Vedânta are
commentarial traditions whose focus are the methods for obtaining
a teacher who was of the Pûgavana family. He then studied aspects
of the Advaita School of Vedânta founded by Úaükarâcârya in the 8th
century ce.5 This school was to become his greatest rival. Madhvâcârya, an inquisitive student, was still not satisfied, with what he had learned
so he next sought a new teacher in order to be granted saünyâsa,
ascetic, status. Madhvâcârya met Acyutaprekùa, an ascetic who was
also dissatisfied with the tenets of Advaita Vedânta, and underwent the
prescribed saünyâsa rites.6 According to Paõóitâcârya’s hagiography, Acyutaprekùa then changed Madhvâcârya’s name to Pûrõaprajña,
3 For more about the accuracy of these genealogical records, see Sharma, History, 200. 4 For a detailed list of the texts that Madhvâcârya mentions and/or cites, see Mesquita.
5 For more detailed analyses of the history of Advaita Vedânta see Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy Vol. 1, Potter, Advaita Vedânta up to Úaükara and His Pupils, and Deutsch, Advaita Vedânta: A Philosophical Reconstruction.
6 MV 4.4–30; MV 4.49–54.
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Madhvâcârya and the Mâdhva Tradition
5
‘The One Whose Knowledge is Complete.’7 According to the
hagiographic evidence, Madhvâcârya did not have much luck with his
new teacher due to their vehement disagreements. Even the name given
to Madhvâcârya did not last as Madhvâcârya refers to himself as
nandatîrtha, ‘The Teacher of Bliss/ brahman,’ in colophons. Although
Madhvâcârya has several names, including Pûrõaprajña, Pûrõabodha,
‘The One Whose Realization is Complete,’ Vâsudeva ‘The Descendent
of Viùõu,’ among others, I hereafter refer to him only as Madhvâcârya.
The word ‘Madhvâcârya’ is actually comprised of ‘Madhva,’ and
‘âcârya.’ The suffix ‘âcârya’ means ‘teacher’ and is used both
descriptively and as an honorific. Madhvâcârya studied with several
teachers and his experiences with them may be why he advises students
in his Brahma Sûtra Bhâùya (hereafter BSB) that they can opt to change
teachers if the new one is superior!8
After becoming a saünyâsi, he studied Vimuktâtman’s Iùñasiddhi
(9th century ce), an Advaita text. This is the only mention of an Advaita
text in the MV, which is somewhat surprising since he devoted much
of his life to refuting their doctrines.9 After again disagreeing with his teacher, Madhvâcârya was installed as the head of the mañha
by Acyutaprekùa in deference to his student’s superior abilities.10
Madhvâcârya’s education ended when he rose from the ranks of students
to become the head of an educational institution and was able to teach
his own methods for obtaining mokùa!
It was a standard practice among the intellectual elite in medieval
Tuëunâóu to travel and to participate in public debates. After completing
his studies, Madhvâcârya traveled around South Asia in order to argue
his new Vedânta position with other scholars.11 His exposure to, and interaction with, other schools of philosophy, both Vedânta and non-Vedânta, is evident in his hagiographies, his works and the broader
7 For further reading on the etymological origins of several of these names, including
‘Madhva,’ see Siauve, La Doctrine de Madhva, 1–2.
8 na ca pûrvaprâpta eva gurur iti niyamaþ | BSB 3.3.46–47.
9 MV 4.45. According to Sharma, Madhvâcârya also directly cites and/or summarizes passages from Sarvajñâtmamuni’s Saükùepa Úârîraka in his Anuvyâkhyâna and Tattvodyota. I have not been able to locate such passages. Sharma, History, 123, 145, ft. 4. Sarvajñâtmamuni was a contemporary of Vimuktâtman as well as a direct disciple of Úaükarâcârya. Veezhinathan, 5.
10 MV 5.1.
11 According to C.R. Krishna Rao, Madhvâcârya came into contact with Vidyâúaükara, the svâmi of the Sçïgeri mañha, a monastery founded by Úaükarâcârya himself. Rao, 6–8, 23–27. This meeting is not mentioned in the MV. More on debate in Chapter 5.
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An Introduction to Mâdhva Vedânta
issues that he addresses. For example, Paõóitâcârya mentions that
Madhvâcârya refuted the six systems, indicating that he must have
been familiar with them. 12 It is unclear as to which six systems he is supposed to have refuted, though it is likely to be some combination
of the Buddhist, Cârvâka, Jaina, Nyâya, Pûrva Mîmâüsâ, Sâükhya,
Vaiùeúika, Uttara Mîmâüsâ and Yoga traditions. 13 Madhvâcârya shows his knowledge of these traditions in his examination and refutation of
their doctrines in a section of his bhâùya, commentary, on the Brahma
Sûtras. This section is known as Samayavirodha, the Contradictions [in Other] Doctrines. 14 Again, though such an exposure is not unusual, it helps to establish the range of interlocutors that Madhvâcârya confronted.
Madhvâcârya’s travels took him to Mahâbadarikâúrama, the home
of Vyâsa, and author of the Brahma Sûtras, to meet the founder of
the Vedânta tradition himself. Vyâsa is believed to be an avatâra,
incarnation, of Lord Viùõu, the deity around which the Mâdhva Vedânta
is centered. 15 Above all, Mâdhva Vedânta is a Vaiùõava, Viùõu-oriented, tradition. Under the guidance of Vyâsa, Madhvâcârya is said to have
composed his Brahma Sûtra Bhâùya, a commentary on Vyâsa’s Brahma
Sûtras. 16 Having the author of the text on which one is commenting serve as an editor and be an avatâra of God Himself certainly gives one
a great deal of epistemic authority!
Madhvâcârya also has an unusual background as he proclaims
himself to be the third avatâra of Vâyu, the wind God, who is also the
son of Viùõu. 17 He is preceded by the first and second who are found in the two epics of Hinduism, namely Hanumân, the monkey deity in the
Râmâyaõa and Bhîma, one of the Paõóavas in the Mahâbhârata. Vâyu,
namely Madhvâcârya, is a guide for bhaktas, devotees, on their journey
towards Viùõu and has a dynamic position as a mediator between
devotees and Viùõu. This self-identification is unusual in the history of
South Asian hagiographies.
Data taken from colophons, along with genealogical and chrono-
logical data found in the mañhas, lead non-Mâdhva scholars to conclude
that Madhvâcârya died in 1317 ce.18 Paõóitâcârya records that
12 ùañ ca tatra samayânakhaõóayat | MV 9.15.
13 See Dasgupta’s History for detailed introductions to each of these traditions.
14 BSB 2.2.
15 evaüvidhâni sûtraõi kçtvâ vyâso mahâyaúâþ | brahmarûdrâdideveùu manuùyapitçpakùiùu | jnânaü saüsthâpya bhagavânkrióante puruùottamaþ | BSB 0.
16 For further reading about the link between Madhvâcârya and Vyâsa, see Sheridan’s ‘Vyâsa as Madhva’s Guru.’
17 vâyuü hareþ suta�
� ... | Chândogya Upaniùad Bhâùa 3.15.1.
18 Sharma, History, 77–78.
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Madhvâcârya and the Mâdhva Tradition
7
Madhvâcârya disappeared and was immediately honored with a shower
of flowers from the deities.19 According to the Mâdhva tradition, then, he did not die and is considered to be alive and residing
in Mahâbadarikâúrama in the Himâlayas with his teacher and father
Vyâsa-Viùõu.
Political environment and patronage
One may wonder how Madhvâcârya was able to fund his education
and subsequent tour of South Asia. Who funded him? Did he have the
support of the local government to help him to propagate his tenets?
Were there any political impediments?
Paõóitâcârya states in several places in his MV that Madhvâcârya
came into contact with local kings, though only one, Jayasiüha, is
named.20 Historical data does not show that Madhvâcârya was supported financially by any of them. In the MV, Madhvâcârya is said to have been
on good terms with a king who may have been a Muslim. It is not
explicitly stated in the MV that the king was a Muslim, yet contemporary
biographers of Madhvâcârya refer to the king as a Muslim in their
translations and accounts.21 Having impressed the king both with his ability to walk on water and with his language skills, the monarch is
said to have given half his kingdom to Madhvâcârya.22 This meeting and exchange is not mentioned in histories of Tuëunâóu, Karõâñaka
and South India.23 Although the granting of half the kingdom does seem a bit fantastic, it is not unlikely that Madhvâcârya came into
contact with Muslim rulers, given their invasions at the beginning of the
14th century ce. Still, there is no evidence, inscriptional or otherwise,
that any Muslim king gave additional land grants or monetary gifts to
Madhvâcârya.
Paõóitâcârya reports that Madhvâcârya interacted with King
Jayasiüha on several occasions. A popular account that is also found
19 MV 16.58.
20 See MV 15.1–141.
21 For further details see Govindâcârya, Madhvâcârya (Life and Teachings), 10, Padmanabhacharya, Life and Teachings of Sri Madhvacharya, 59, Rau, Nârâyaõa Paõóitâcârya’s Úrî Madhva Vijaya, 125.
22 gâübhîryaü dhçtim uruvîryam âryabhâvaü tejobhyaü giram api deúakâlayuktâm |