discovered that there were fewer than 14 Icnights in the whole city, and he
had to create 60 new Icnights, some barely 16 years old. Any food or money
available was stored in anticipation of the inevitable siege which com-
menced, with the arrival of Saladin's army outside the walls of Jerusalem, on
20 September. It was Yusuf Batit, a member of the Eastern Orthodox clergy
who mediated between Saladin and Balian. Saladin made it clear that he pre-
ferred to take the city without bloodshed, but those inside remained defiant
and refused to surrender, vowing to destroy the city and slay the 5,000
Muslims prisoners held in the city rather than see it handed over peacefully.
Thus the siege began. For a week Saladin's army, facing the Tower of David
and the Damascus Gate, pelted the ramparts with arrows, catapults, and
mangonels. Siege engines were rolled up to the walls, but were pushed back
each time. Then, on 26 September, Saladin moved his camp to a different
part of the city - to the Mount of Olives, where there was no major gate
from which the crusaders could counter-attack. Three days later Muslim
miners succeeded in collapsing part of a wall and a breach was made, which
the outnumbered Christians were unable to defend. Inside the city itself
there was great despair as the people were gripped by panic as they saw the
Muslim banners planted on the city walls.
At the end of September Balian rode out with an embassy to meet with
Saladin. Balian was now prepared to accept the surrender, which he had
initially refused, but Saladin was reluctant. Eventually it was agreed that
the city would surrender and its population be regarded as prisoners of
war. This meant that they could ransom themselves. The ransom was set at
10 dinars for a man, 5 dinars for a woman and 1 dinar for a child. Forty days
were then set for the Christian population to raise the ransom, after which
any who did not pay were enslaved. But when the 40 days had passed, 1,000
of those who could not afford to pay were released by Saladin's amirs. Most
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12: T H E R E T U R N OF J E R U S A L E M
notably al-Adil and Keukburi and Saladin himself released all old people
who were unable to meet the ransom. It was an act of tremendous gen-
erosity and it was for such actions during the fall of Jerusalem that Saladin
won the admiration of the Christians and a deserved place in history.
Human nature being what it is, there were a few who took advantage of the
generous terms Saladin had imposed, and none more so than the patriarch
Heraclius. Having paid 15 dinars for himself and his mistress, he then pro-
ceeded to load wagons full of gold chalices, plates and carpets and drive
them out of the city. It was scandalous behaviour especially since these
treasures could have ransomed the 15,000 Christians who were eventually
enslaved, but when Saladin's outraged amirs complained of his behaviour,
Saladin waved them away. 'I prefer to make them obey the letter of
the treaty', he replied, 'so that they are unable to accuse the believers of
brealdng their word.' Later, he admitted in private how shocked he was
by the actions of this 'unholy rnan'. From the moment he slipped away
from Jeruslaem, laden with gold, we hear no more of Heraclius. 'He lived
viciously', a Christian writer summed up his life, 'and died obscurely.'
No greater contrast could there have been between the occupation of
Jerusalem by the Muslim in October 1187 and that of the First Crusade
in 1099, when the streets flowed with Muslim and Jewish blood. As the
three columns of Christians left Jerusalem, one led by Balian himself and
the other two organised by Templars and Hospitallers, Saladin posted his
own soldiers throughout the city to ensure that there was no looting or
pillage. In addition he ensured that the columns were protected by the
Muslims from the rapacity of the Bedouin. Of the 220,000 dinars raised
by the ransoms of Jerusalem, Saladin kept nothing. A number of native
Christians requested Saladin's permission to remain in Jerusalem and he
agreed on the condition that they paid the jizya tax, which was imposed
on non-Muslims. In return for paying the tax, he allowed them to pray
freely in their churches. Christian affairs were handed over to the Byzantine
patriarch.
With increasing excitement and anticipation, Muslims gathered in the
streets to witness Saladin's ceremonial entry into Jerusalem. Ibn Shaddad
noted that Muslims had flocked from everywhere - in his words every
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SALAD I N
famous person in Egypt and Syria was there - to witness Saladin's tri-
umphant entry and tiie restoration of Jerusalem to the Islamic fold. Scholars
and sufis, poets and jurists, civilians and military all lined the streets and all
eyes were on Saladin. But Saladin, true to his nature, was patient and chose
not to enter the city until the time was auspicious. And so it was not until
27 Rajab 583 (2 October 1187), the anniversary of the Night Journey to
the Heavens, that he entered Jerusalem. The powerful symbolism of such
a date was of course deliberately chosen to make a dramatic impact. Imad
al-Din al-lsfahani, who accompanied Saladin into Jerusalem, noted that
the most urgent task was to restore the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa
mosque into a state fit for Islamic worship. However, as Hillenbrand points
out, the actions now taken by Saladin were not mere ceremonies of re-
appropriation of Muslim religious buildings; these centres of Islamic sanctity
needed to be cleansed and purified of Franldsh pollution,^ and an inscrip-
tion was carved on the Dome of the Rock itself which declared, 'Saladin has
purified this sacred house from the polytheists'. At once the Muslims got
to work in preparation for the approaching Friday prayers at the al-Aqsa
mosque, the first ones to be held in 88 years. The task proved harder than
was initially thought, as first they had to demolish many structures that
the Franks had built. Imad al-Din stated that the Templars had built some
residences to the west of the mosque, which they had equipped with grain
storage and latrines, and part of the mosque had been incorporated into
tht buildings. Saladin had these structures removed and authorised Taqi
ul-Din to be in charge of the purification process. First, all Christian trap-
pings which had been placed during the crusader occupation were removed
from the buildings, and the mihrab (niche) of the mosque which had been
concealed by the Knights Templar was uncovered. Then when all trapping
were removed, rose-water was poured over the walls and the floors of the
two buildings, which were then perfumed with incense. The floors were
covered with precious carpets instead of woven and straw mats, and the
minbar (pulpit), which had once been commissioned by Nur al-Din, was
now instafled. Even Ibn al-Athir, who throughout his writings had shown
an implacable hostility towards Saladin for usurping the place of his
Zengid masters, understood the symbolism of what had taken place:
'Saladin ordered the
purification of the Aqsa mosque and the Dome of the
Rock of afl the filths and impurities'. Ibn al-Athir's choice of the word anjas
(plural of najas) to denote the impurities was deliberate, and reflected the
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12: T H E R E T U R N OF J E R U S A L E M
traditional Islamic view of the Franks, who had encroached on Islamic
sacred space.
As to who would deliver the first khutba on the Friday after the entiy
into Jerusalem, one imagines there would have been fierce competition for,
among the religious clerics, no greater honour could be imagined. Naturally
the khatib would be a Shafii, to reflect the madhab of Saladin, and the
choice finally fell on Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-Zald, the qadi of Aleppo. Imad
al-Din captured the moment:
The sultan sat with his face gleaming with happiness. His seat looked as if
it were surroundeii by the halo of the moon. Around him readers of the
Quran were reading the words of guidance and commenting; the poets were
standing, reciting and seeking favours; while the flags were being unfolded
in order to be raised and the pens were being sharpened in order to convey
the good tidings. Eyes were filled with tears of joy while hearts were humbled
in devotion to God and in joy for the victory.
In the sermon Ibn al-Zald stressed the theme of purification and spoke of
the 'perfiame of sanctification and glorification'. The sermon intransigently
and deliberately emphasised God's oneness and was scathing on the subject
of the divinity of Jesus and the Trinity. To all those listening, Ibn al-Zaki
urged the continuation of the jihad: 'Maintain the holy war; it is the best
means which you have of serving God, the most noble occupation of your
lives'. And he had not forgotten Saladin and was fulsome in his praise: 'May
God grant you His best reward', he intoned, 'for the service you have ren-
dered to His blessed Prophet Muhammad'. When Ibn al-Zaki had spoken,
Saladin then turned to Zein Ibn Naja, the man whom he had once labelled
as his Amr Ibn al-As, and who had become one of his closest advisers in
Egypt, and he asked him to preach to the congregation. Ibn Naja, who had
been the disciple of al-Jilani, spoke so eloquentiy and powerfliUy that the
congregation was reduced to tears.
Shortiy afterwards some Muslims approached Saladin and demanded
that he destroy the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, arguing that its destruc-
tion would stop Christians coming to Jerusalem. 'The Franks will stop
wanting to make pilgrimage there', they argued, 'and then we will be at
peace.' Saladin listened to their words, but he turned down their request,
for not only was it against Islamic law but he also understood that the
destruction of the church would not prevent Christians from coming to
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Jerusalem. Saladin would also have known - or if he did not then he would
have been quicldy informed by the scholars - that when the caliph Umar
conquered Jerusalem in 637, he ordered that the church should not be
demolished and that the Christians should have the right to worship.
Nevertheless, in order to increase the Muslim presence in the city, Saladin
installed a number of Arab tribes in and around Jerusalem.
Clearly Saladin's capture of Jerusalem had made a mark on many
Muslims and it was during this period that Saladin was approached by Ibn
Shaddad, who had composed a treatise that he called The Virtues of Jihad.
The two men had met before; in 1184 Ibn Shaddad had visited Damascus
and Saladin was so impressed by him that he offered him a teaching posi-
tion in a madrasa in Egypt, but Ibn Shaddad did not accept.® The second
time was in February 1186, when Ibn Shaddad accompanied another
Mosuli delegation to conclude peace terms with Saladin, who was ill at
Harran. It was Ibn Shaddad who administered the oath to Saladin. Saladin
must have remembered him, for he did not give him permission to return
to Mosul and dispatched Isa al-Haldcari to inform him that Saladin wished
he should enter into his employment. Ibn Shaddad was appointed as judge
of the army and for the rest of Saladin's life he remained the closest person
to him. In fact, apart from a period between October 1189 and spring
1190, when he was sent to Baghdad on a diplomatic mission,*^ it can be
claimed that Ibn Shaddad never left Saladin's side.
• In Jerusalem Saladin and his family continued in the tradition of
Ayyub and Shirkuh, and above all of Nur al-Din, in their adherence to the
principles of the Sunni Revival. In the Church of St Anne, which was the
traditional place for the birthplace of the Virgin, Saladin ordered the con-
struction of a magnificent madrasa for the Shafiite madhab. He also com-
missioned al-Klianaqah al-Salihiyya, which was a hospice for sufis. In return
for being lodged and fed, the sufis were expected to devote their time to
dhilcr, the invocation of God, and the recitation of the Quran. Saladin's son,
al-Afdal, followed in his father's steps and constructed a Malild madrasa,
which lodged the pilgrims from North Africa, the majority of whom
followed the Malild madhab. As for Saladin's brother, al-Adil, he com-
missioned the building of ablution and washing fountains within the holy
precinct, and his son and Saladin's nephew, al-Malik al-Muzzaffar, had two
madrasas built in Jerusalem. Nearly 20 years earlier Saladin had restored the
rule of Sunni orthodoxy to Egypt. Now he was the first to introduce the
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12: T H E R E T U R N OF J E R U S A L E M
spirit of the Sunni Revival - as manifested in the construction of madrasas
- to Jerusalem. His achievements in Egypt, which had proven to be of
immense strategic importance, became the economic and military backbone
to his successes in Syria. His achievement in Jerusalem, on the other hand,
proved to be of profound symbolic value, for the recapture of Islam's third
holiest site secured Saladin's place in history.
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Chapter 13
The Arrival of Richard
All our men were wounded if not in their bodies in their hearts.
Ibn Shaddnd
Conrad fortifies Tyre
All eyes now turned to Tyre. It was, Saladin was told by al-Mashtub,
'the only arrow left in the quiver of the infidels'. Even as these words were
spoken, the city was slipping out of Saladin's grasp, for in Tyre there had
arrived Conrad of Montferrat. Conrad, the third son of the Marquess
William of Montferrat, had arrived in the Holy Land almost by accident.
His early career had been in the Byzantine court, but his independent
spirit had found the court atmosphere in Constantinople too stifling and
he decided to sail to Acre, unaware of the disaster that had taken place at
Hattin. On approaching the city port, he was surprised to see a customs
boat, which informed him that Acre was in Muslim hands. Sailing away
quicldy, he headed for Tyre, where he landed and where this Italian
knight was welcomed by its people as if he brought salvation with him.
Unanimously, the barons and knights of the city chose Conrad as their
leader until a
new crusade could be dispatched from Europe. Of one
thing all could be certain: had Conrad not arrived Tyre would have fallen.
News of Conrad's defiance at Tyre reached Saladin, who hurried to the city
walls accompanied by an old man - a prisoner - whom he believed was
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13: T H E ARRIVAL OF R I C H A R D
the key with which to open the city. The man was William of Montferrat,
Conrad's father, and he was now brought out in view of Conrad, who was
watching from the batdements. Surrender the city now, he was warned, or
William would be put to death. The ruse failed, as Conrad replied that his
father had lived long enough, and Saladin, true to his nature, set the old
man free.
The truth was that too much precious time had been wasted at
Jerusalem. Saladin's caution, often a source of strength, was increasingly to
prove to be his Achilles heel. In the meantime Conrad had taken advantage
by worldng furiously to strengthen the fortifications of the city. A deep ditch
was dug across the causeway from the shore, which effectively rendered Tyre
an island and allowed it to withstand a prolonged siege while it waited
for succour from Genoa and Pisa. By the time the Muslim armies reached
Tyre, on 12 November 1187, the defiant city with its 6-metre (20-feet)
walls and inspired by the feisty Italian knight was ready to withstand
a prolonged siege and a bombardment of Saladin's mangonels. In fact
Saladin's army was short of men; winter was approaching and Keukburi
insisted that he wanted to go on the pilgrimage, while Taqi ul-Din wished
to return home. There was initial optimism and Imad al-Din, who was
accompanying Saladin, had written to al-Qadi al-Fadil that Tyre would
fall, though he ominously added that the Muslims had been used to easy
victories and at Tyre they had had to abandon their soft life.
At the same time Saladin was dismayed by the lukewarm reception from
the Abbasid caliph, who feared the power that Saladin was able to harness.
Imad al-Din had warned him to choose his envoy to Baghdad carefully but
Saladin, in a huny to send news of the fall of Jerusalem, had chosen a young
Iraqi who, in a moment of drunlcness, had boasted of Saladin's ambitions.