The Life of Cesare Borgia, Page 2

  In its proper place shall be considered what else Macchiavelli had to say of Cesare Borgia and what to report of events that he witnessed connected with Cesare Borgia's career.

  Meanwhile, the above summary of Macchiavelli's judgement is put forward as a justification for the writing of this book, which has for scope to present to you the Cesare Borgia who served as the model for The Prince.

  Before doing so, however, there is the rise of the House of Borgia to be traced, and in the first two of the four books into which this history will be divided it is Alexander VI, rather than his son, who will hold the centre of the stage.

  If the author has a mercy to crave of his critics, it is that they will not impute it to him that he has set out with the express aim of "whitewashing"—as the term goes—the family of Borgia. To whitewash is to overlay, to mask the original fabric under a superadded surface. Too much superadding has there been here already. By your leave, all shall be stripped away. The grime shall be removed and the foulness of inference, of surmise, of deliberate and cold-blooded malice, with which centuries of scribblers, idle, fantastic, sensational, or venal, have coated the substance of known facts.

  But the grime shall be preserved and analysed side by side with the actual substance, that you may judge if out of zeal to remove the former any of the latter shall have been included in the scraping.

  The author expresses his indebtedness to the following works which, amongst others, have been studied for the purposes of the present history:

  Alvisi, Odoardo, Cesare Borgia, Duca di Romagna. Imola, 1878.

  Auton, Jean d', Chroniques de Louis XII (Soc. de l'Hist. de France). Paris, 1889.

  Baldi, Bernardino, Della Vita e Fatti di Guidobaldo. Milano, 1821.

  Barthélemy, Charles, Erreurs et Mensonges Historiques. Paris, 1873.

  Bernardi, Andrea, Cronache Forlivese, 1476-1517. Bologna, 1897.

  Bonnaffé, Edmond, Inventaire de la Duchesse de Valentinois, Paris, 1878.

  Bonoli, Paolo, Istorie della Città di Forli. Forli, 1661.

  Bourdeilles, Pierre, Vie des Hommes Illustres. Leyde, 1666.

  Brown, Rawdon, Ragguagli Sulla Vita e sulle Opere di Marino Sanuto. Venezia, 1837.

  Buonaccorsi, Biagio, Diario. Firenze, 1568.

  Burchard, Joannes, Diarium, sive Rerum Urbanarum Commentarii. (Edited by L. Thuasne.) Paris, 1885.

  Burckhardt, Jacob, Der Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Basel, 1860.

  Castiglione, Baldassare, Il Cortigiano. Firenze, 1885.

  Chapelles, Grillon des, Esquisses Biographiques. Paris, 1862.

  Cerri, Domenico, Borgia. Tonino, 1857.

  Clementini, Cesare, Raccolto Istorico delle Fondatione di Rimino. Rimini, 1617.

  Corio, Bernardino, Storia di Milano. Milano, 1885.

  Corvo, Baron, Chronicles of the House of Borgia. London, 1901.

  Espinois, Henri de l', Le Pape Alexandre VI (in the Revue des Questions Historiques, Vol. XXIX). Paris, 1881.

  Giovio, Paolo, La Vita di Dicenove Uomini Illustri. Venetia, 1561.

  Giovio, Paolo, Delle Istorie del Suo Tempo. Venetia, 1608.

  Giustiniani, Antonio, Dispacci, 1502-1505. (Edited by Pasquale Villari.) Firenze, 1876.

  Granata, F., Storia Civile di Capua. 1752.

  Gregorovius, Ferdinand, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. Stuttgart, 1889.

  Gregorovius, Ferdinand, Lacrezia Borgia (Italian translation). Firenze, 1855.

  Guicciardini, Francesco, Istoria d'Italia. Milan, 1803.

  Guingené, P. L., Histoire Littéraire d'Italie. Milano, 1820.

  Infessura, Stefano, Diarum Rerum Romanum. (Edited by 0. Tommassini.) Roma, 1887.

  Leonetti, A., Papa Alessandro VI. Bologna, 1880.

  Leti, Gregorio ("Tommaso Tommasi"), Vita di Cesare Borgia, Milano, 1851.

  Lucaire, Achille, Alain le Grand, Sire d'Albret. Paris, 1877.

  Macchiavelli, Niccolô, Il Principe. Torino, 1853.

  Macchiavelli, Niccolô, Le Istorie Fiorentine. Firenze, 1848.

  Macchiavelli, Niccolô, Opere Minori. Firenze, 1852.

  Matarazzo, Francesco, Cronaca della Città di Perugia, 1492-1503.

  (Edited by F. Bonaini and F. Polidori.) In Archivio Storico Italiano, Firenze, 1851.

  Panvinio, Onofrio, Le Vite dei Pontefici. Venezia, 1730.

  Pascale, Aq., Racconto del Sacco di Capova. Napoli, 1632.

  Righi, B., Annali di Faenza. Faenza, 1841.

  Sanazzaro, Opere. Padua, 1723.

  Sanuto Marino, Diarii, Vols. I to V. (Edited by F. Stefani.) Venice, 1879.

  Tartt, W. M., Pandolfo Collenuccio, Memoirs connected with his life. 1868.

  "Tommaso Tommasi" (Gregorio Leti), Vita di Cesare Borgia. 1789.

  Varchi, Benedetto, Storia Fiorentina. Florence, 1858.

  Visari, Gustavo, Vita degli Artefici.

  Villari, Pasquale, La Storia di Girolamo Savonarola, etc. Florence, 1861.

  Villari, Pasquale, Niccolò Machiavelli e I suoi Tempi. Milano, 1895.

  Yriarte, Charles, La Vie de César Borgia. Paris, 1889.

  Yriarte, Charles, Autour des Borgia. Paris, 1891.

  Zurita, Geronimo, Historia del Rey Don Hernando el Catolico (in Anales). Çaragoça, 1610.

  BOOK I. THE HOUSE OF THE BULL

  "Borgia stirps: BOS: atque Ceres transcendit Olympo, Cantabat nomen saecula cuncta suum."

  Michele Ferno

  CHAPTER I. THE RISE OF THE HOUSE OF BORGIA

  Although the House of Borgia, which gave to the Church of Rome two popes and at least one saint,(1) is to be traced back to the eleventh century, claiming as it does to have its source in the Kings of Aragon, we shall take up its history for our purposes with the birth at the city of Xativa, in the kingdom of Valencia, on December 30, 1378, of Alonso de Borja, the son of Don Juan Domingo de Borja and his wife Doña Francisca.

  To this Don Alonso de Borja is due the rise of his family to its stupendous eminence. An able, upright, vigorous-minded man, he became a Professor and Doctor of Jurisprudence at the University of Lerida, and afterwards served Alfonso I of Aragon, King of Naples and the Two Sicilies, in the capacity of secretary. This office he filled with the distinction that was to be expected from one so peculiarly fitted for it by the character of the studies he had pursued.

  He was made Bishop of Valencia, created Cardinal in 1444, and finally—in 1455—ascended the throne of St. Peter as Calixtus III, an old man, enfeebled in body, but with his extraordinary vigour of mind all unimpaired.

  Calixtus proved himself as much a nepotist as many another Pope before and since. This needs not to be dilated upon here; suffice it that in February of 1456 he gave the scarlet hat of Cardinal-Deacon of San Niccoló, in Carcere Tulliano, to his nephew Don Roderigo de Lanzol y Borja.

  Born in 1431 at Xativa, the son of Juana de Borja (sister of Calixtus) and her husband Don Jofrè de Lanzol, Roderigo was in his twenty-fifth year at the time of his being raised to the purple, and in the following year he was further created Vice-Chancellor of Holy Church with an annual stipend of eight thousand florins. Like his uncle he had studied jurisprudence—at the University of Bologna—and mentally and physically he was extraordinarily endowed.

  From the pen-portraits left of him by Gasparino of Verona, and Girolamo Porzio, we know him for a tall, handsome man with black eyes and full lips, elegant, courtly, joyous, and choicely eloquent, of such health and vigour and endurance that he was insensible to any fatigue. Giasone Maino of Milan refers to his "elegant appearance, serene brow, royal glance, a countenance that at once expresses generosity and majesty, and the genial and heroic air with which his whole personality is invested." To a similar description of him Gasparino adds that "all women upon whom he so much as casts his eyes he moves to love him; attracting them as the lodestone attracts iron;" which is, it must be admitted, a most undesirable reputation in a churchman.

  A modern historian(2) who uses little restraint when writing of Roderigo Borgia says of him that "he was a man o
f neither much energy nor determined will," and further that "the firmness and energy wanting to his character were, however, often replaced by the constancy of his evil passions, by which he was almost blinded." How the constancy of evil passions can replace firmness and energy as factors of worldly success is not readily discernible, particularly if their possessor is blinded by them. The historical worth of the stricture may safely be left to be measured by its logical value. For the rest, to say that Roderigo Borgia was wanting in energy and in will is to say something to which his whole career gives the loud and derisive lie, as will—to some extent at least—be seen in the course of this work.

  His honours as Cardinal-Deacon and Vice-Chancellor of the Holy See he owed to his uncle; but that he maintained and constantly improved his position—and he a foreigner, be it remembered—under the reigns of the four succeeding Popes—Pius II, Paul II, Sixtus IV, and Innocent VIII—until finally, six-and-twenty years after the death of Calixtus III, he ascended, himself, the Papal Throne, can be due only to the unconquerable energy and stupendous talents which have placed him where he stands in history—one of the greatest forces, for good or ill, that ever occupied St. Peter's Chair.

  Say of him that he was ambitious, worldly, greedy of power, and a prey to carnal lusts. All these he was. But for very sanity's sake do not let it be said that he was wanting either in energy or in will, for he was energy and will incarnate.

  Consider that with Calixtus III's assumption of the Tiara Rome became the Spaniard's happy hunting-ground, and that into the Eternal City streamed in their hundreds the Catalan adventurers—priests, clerks, captains of fortune, and others—who came to seek advancement at the hands of a Catalan Pope. This Spanish invasion Rome resented. She grew restive under it.

  Roderigo's elder brother, Don Pedro Luis de Lanzol y Borja, was made Gonfalonier of the Church, Castellan of all pontifical fortresses and Governor of the Patrimony of St. Peter, with the title of Duke of Spoleto and, later, Prefect of Rome, to the displacement of an Orsini from that office. Calixtus invested this nephew with all temporal power that it was in the Church's privilege to bestow, to the end that he might use it as a basis to overset the petty tyrannies of Romagna, and to establish a feudal claim on the Kingdom of Naples.

  Here already we see more than a hint of that Borgia ambition which was to become a byword, and the first attempt of this family to found a dynasty for itself and a State that should endure beyond the transient tenure of the Pontificate, an aim that was later to be carried into actual—if ephemeral—fulfilment by Cesare Borgia.

  The Italians watched this growth of Spanish power with jealous, angry eyes. The mighty House of Orsini, angered by the supplanting of one of its members in the Prefecture of Rome, kept its resentment warm, and waited. When in August of 1458 Calixtus III lay dying, the Orsini seized the chance: they incited the city to ready insurgence, and with fire and sword they drove the Spaniards out.

  Don Pedro Luis made haste to depart, contrived to avoid the Orsini, who had made him their special quarry, and getting a boat slipped down the Tiber to Civita Vecchia, where he died suddenly some six weeks later, thereby considerably increasing the wealth of Roderigo, his brother and his heir.

  Roderigo's cousin, Don Luis Juan, Cardinal-Presbyter of Santi Quattro Coronati, another member of the family who owed his advancement to his uncle Calixtus, thought it also expedient to withdraw from that zone of danger to men of his nationality and name.

  Roderigo de Lanzol y Borja alone remained—leastways, the only prominent member of his house—boldly to face the enmity of the majority of the Sacred College, which had looked with grim disfavour upon his uncle's nepotism. Unintimidated, he entered the Conclave for the election of a successor to Calixtus, and there the chance which so often prefers to bestow its favours upon him who knows how to profit by them, gave him the opportunity to establish himself as firmly as ever at the Vatican, and further to advance his interests.

  It fell out that when the scrutiny was taken, two cardinals stood well in votes—the brilliant, cultured Enea Silvio Bartolomeo de' Piccolomini, Cardinal of Siena, and the French Cardinal d'Estouteville—though neither had attained the minimum majority demanded. Of these two, the lead in number of votes lay with the Cardinal of Siena, and his election therefore might be completed by Accession—that is, by the voices of such cardinals as had not originally voted for him—until the minimum majority, which must exceed two-thirds, should be made up.

  The Cardinal Vice-Chancellor Roderigo de Lanzol y Borja led this accession, with the result that the Cardinal of Siena became Pontiff—as Pius II—and was naturally enough disposed to advance the interests of the man who had been instrumental in helping him to that eminence. Thus, his position at the Vatican, in the very face of all hostility, became stronger and more prominent than ever.

  A letter written two years later from the Baths at Petriolo by Pius II to Roderigo when the latter was in Siena—whither he had been sent by his Holiness to superintend the building of the Cathedral and the Episcopal and Piccolomini palaces—is frequently cited by way of establishing the young prelate's dissolute ways. It is a letter at once stern and affectionate, and it certainly leaves no doubt as to what manner of man was the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor in his private life, and to what manner of unecciesiastical pursuits he inclined. It is difficult to discover in it any grounds upon which an apologist may build.

  "BELOVED SON,

  "When four days ago, in the gardens of Giovanni de Bichis, were assembled several women of Siena addicted to worldly vanity, your worthiness, as we have learnt, little remembering the office which you fill, was entertained by them from the seventeenth to the twenty-second hour. For companion you had one of your colleagues, one whom his years if not the honour of the Holy See should have reminded of his duty. From what we have heard, dancing was unrestrainedly indulged, and not one of love's attractions was absent, whilst your behaviour was no different from that which might have been looked for in any worldly youth. Touching what happened there, modesty imposes silence. Not only the circumstance itself, but the very name of it is unworthy in one of your rank. The husbands, parents, brothers, and relations of these young women were excluded, in order that your amusements should be the more unbridled. You with a few servants undertook to direct and lead those dances. It is said that nothing is now talked of in Siena but your frivolity. Certain it is that here at the baths, where the concourse of ecclesiastics and laity is great, you are the topic of the day. Our displeasure is unutterable, since all this reflects dishonourably upon the sacerdotal estate and office. It will be said of us that we are enriched and promoted not to the end that we may lead blameless lives, but that we may procure the means to indulge our pleasures. Hence the contempt of us entertained by temporal princes and powers and the daily sarcasms of the laity. Hence also the reproof of our own mode of life when we attempt to reprove others. The very Vicar of Christ is involved in this contempt, since he appears to countenance such things. You, beloved son, have charge of the Bishopric of Valencia, the first of Spain; you are also Vice-Chancellor of the Church; and what renders your conduct still more blameworthy is that you are among the cardinals, with the Pope, one of the counsellors of the Holy See. We submit it to your own judgement whether it becomes your dignity to court young women, to send fruit and wine to her you love, and to have no thought for anything but pleasure. We are censured on your account; the blessed memory of your uncle Calixtus is vituperated, since in the judgement of many he was wrong to have conferred so many honours upon you. If you seek excuses in your youth, you are no longer so young that you cannot understand what duties are imposed upon you by your dignity. A cardinal should be irreproachable, a model of moral conduct to all. And what just cause have we for resentment when temporal princes bestow upon us titles that are little honourable, dispute with us our possessions, and attempt to bend us to their will? In truth it is we who inflict these wounds upon ourselves, and it is we who occasion ourselves these troubles, undermining
more and more each day by our deeds the authority of the Church. Our guerdon is shame in this world and condign punishment in the next. May your prudence therefore set a restraint upon these vanities and keep you mindful of your dignity, and prevent that you be known for a gallant among married and unmarried women. But should similar facts recur, we shall be compelled to signify that they have happened against our will and to our sorrow, and our censure must be attended by your shame. We have always loved you, and we have held you worthy of our favour as a man of upright and honest nature. Act therefore in such a manner that we may maintain such an opinion of you, and nothing can better conduce to this than that you should lead a well-ordered life. Your age, which is such as still to promise improvement, admits that we should admonish you paternally."

  "PETRIOLO, June 11, 1460."

  Such a letter is calculated to shock us in our modern notions of a churchman. To us this conduct on the part of a prelate is scandalous beyond words; that it was scandalous even then is obvious from the Pontiff's letter; but that it was scandalous in an infinitely lesser degree is no less obvious from the very fact that the Pontiff wrote that letter (and in such terms) instead of incontinently unfrocking the offender.